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It claimed to show how the ideas shaping Nazi policy had largely been “stolen from the intellectual arsenal of British imperialism” – specifically, Mackinder. Robert Kaplan (in Foreign Affairs), Paul Kennedy (in The New York Review of Books) and John Bellamy Foster (in Monthly Review) note that in both the United States and in Russia neo-Conservative thinkers are making regular use of Mackinder's geopolitical ideas. As a boy, he saw the news of Prussia’s victory over France in 1871 on the door of his Lincolnshire post office; three decades later, he was busy worrying about the rise of Germany at a “social imperialist” dining club founded by Sidney and Beatrice Webb, alongside Leo Amery and HG Wells. Meanwhile, Nick Megoran, a British geographer who has studied Mackinder’s legacies, recounts how, since the 1990s, intellectuals in Central Asia have often invoked his theories to burnish the case for their region’s autonomy from the great powers. There is, he says, a certain creativity in this – the Central Asians “invent their own Mackinders”. Our editors will review what you’ve submitted and determine whether to revise the article.Mackinder was the son of a physician of Scottish descent. Three days after the news broke, this magazine published an article called “Hitler’s World Revolution”. A hundred years ago this week, the statesmen in Versailles were building a new world. Be on the lookout for your Britannica newsletter to get trusted stories delivered right to your inbox. Halford Mackinder was a 20th-century geopolitical scholar who is attributed for writing the Heartland Theory. Mackinder’s Heartland theory was inspired by the railways spanning Siberia; now, Charles Kupchan argues that with the Belt and Road initiative, the Chinese are following Mackinder’s logic in building new internal lines of communication that will stretch right across Eurasia into western Europe. The challenge of Mackinder’s old book is right there in its title: to embrace geographical reality as a way to secure democratic ideals. But in a rapidly changing international scene, he was increasingly drawn into politics. This article appears in the 01 February 2019 issue of the New Statesman, Mackinder’s writings were preserved in Soviet libraries, with a few trusted ideologues allowed access, so they could refute them.
The Soviets condemned the Heartland theory as dodgy geography, weaponised for “the aggressive policies of imperialist states”. …made before the British geographer Halford John Mackinder reached the summit of Batian in 1899. Sir Halford John Mackinder was a British geographerwho wrote a paper in 1904 called "The Geographical Pivot of History." See also B.W. In 1942, G. Kearns, Geopolitics and Empire: The Legacy of Halford Mackinder (Oxford, 2009), 201ff. Through Princeton’s Edward Mead Earle, his ideas reached George Kennan, architect of proposals to “contain” the Soviet Union. While Russia rules much of the Heartland, however, it does not currently command the World-Island. Search Britannica Author of Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland; who rules the Heartland commands the World-Island; who rules the World-Island commands the World. He suggests that Ukraine is perhaps the nearest equivalent today to Mackinder’s proposition that who rules eastern Europe commands the Heartland: “It’s the Egypt of Europe – a swing state,” he says, “which is why we’ve had rivalry between Russia and the EU over the geopolitical orientation of Ukraine.” Categories  Halford Mackinder’s book,

Eurasia now houses another Great Power. Blouet, ‘Sir Halford Mackinder as British High Commissioner to South Russia, 1919–1920’, Geographical Journal, cxlii (1976), 228–36. As Polish foreign minister, Radek Sikorski was involved in talks to end the crisis.

Mackinder’s ability to look at the world and perceive patterns makes his ideas endlessly adaptable
Sir Halford Mackinder (1861-1947), educator, geographer, statesman, and geopolitical thinker, was best known for three geopolitical works: “The Geographical Pivot of History” (1904), "Democratic Ideals and Reality" (1919), and “The Round World and the Winning of the Peace” (1943). Perhaps Mackinder resonates in Russia because his theories chime both with its existential worries – about its civilisational standing next to the West – and its strategic anxieties: those long, vulnerable frontiers. Dugin’s influence has been diffuse rather than direct, but his ideas about Russia’s need to expand into Eurasia have, Clover argues, proved useful to the Kremlin.

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